- the Left, Ecology, Freedom party and its MPs
- the communists
- the MEPs elected in the Other Europe with Tsipras list
- the metalworkers section (FIOM) of the Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL), the largest trade union in Italy
- some MPs which have left the Democratic Party, the most important of whom are “Pippo” Civati and Stefano Fassina.
Are societies, democracies and economies of the substantally marginalised 99% our destiny? Or does it make political sense to re-establish middle-class national democracies?(…) Does entrusting the reconstruction of democratic sovereignty to the European dimension, and, in particular, to the eurozone, stop or aggravate the depletion of national democracies and the retreat of welfare society?These questions have been shelved for so long. The European socialist family, for at least three decades, has avoided them.
Over the past three decades, we ambitiously aimed to revive a Europe-wide democratic sovereignty lost at a national scale. It was a noble attempt. But today the dramatic Greek story confirms, as a last example, that it has not worked. In the cage of liberal mercantilism of the European Treaties and of the euro, we have aggravated the effects of de-regulated globalization, rather than mitigated them as naïvely hoped. We have contributed, often unaware of it – even worse – to create a liberal European constitution in radical contradiction with our Constitution and with the constitutions born out of the liberation of Europe from fascism. We have followed the European Titanic along the unsustainable route of labour devaluation. As convinced pro-Europeans we must recognize: the euro, initially wanted to Mitterand and Kohl to harness unified Germany, has proven itself to be a counter-productive choice. Instead of integrating, it distanced and put in contrast the peoples of Europe. It has undermined the pro-Europeanism of the Fathers of United Europe. We can not go on praising the Europe that should be and the need for the “United States of Europe”, despite our delusion for the nationalist choices of governments and the growing divergence among national public opinions. The Five Presidents’ report for further financial, budget and political integration is worrying. Democratic legitimacy is missing. It means the transfer of national sovereignty to the stronger.
So, we get to the first big question: can a radical change of route in political and economic culture, in the Treaties and the European agenda prevent the sinking of the single currency and the regression of national democracies? Who calls for the exit from the eurozone as a saving, one-sided, simple shortcut, is mostly in the opposite political field and underestimates the extent of the problem. But we must not close our eyes to the reality of economic, political and media power relations in defense of a single currency which is a factor of depreciation of democracy and labour.
For a mercantilistic eurozone, alternative governance is not possible. Democracy becomes an empty ritual aimed to give a semblance of legitimacy to decisions made by others and to vent talk shows frustrated and angry viewers. Political subjectivity of labor, an essential condition for the progressive change, is impossible. Trasformismo is inevitable. There can be only one ruling party: in the widespread form in Europe of a permanent grand coalition between conservatives ahead and socialists following them.